2019年上半年CATTI英语二级笔译实务真题（含答案）.pdfVIP

2019 年上半年CATTI 英语二级笔译实务真题 一、英译汉 1. Passage 1 In 2009, Time magazine hailed an online math program piloted at three New York City public schools, as one of the year’s 50 best innovations. Each day, the software generated individualized math “playlists” for students who then chose the “modality” in which they wished to learn — software, a virtual teacher or a flesh-and- blood one. A different algorithm sorted teachers’ specialties and schedules to match a student’s needs. “It generates the lessons, the tests and it grades the tests,” one veteran instructor marveled. Although the program made only modest improvements in students’ math scores and was adopted by only a handful of New York schools （not the 50 for which it was slated）, it serves as a notable example of a pattern that Andrea Gabor charts in “After the Education Wars.” For more than three decades, an unlikely coalition of corporate philanthropists, educational technology entrepreneurs and public education bureaucrats has spearheaded a brand of school reform characterized by the overvaluing of technology and standardized testing and a devaluing of teachers and communities. The trend can be traced back to a hyperbolic 1983 report, “A Nation at Risk,” issued by President Ronald Reagan’s National Commission on Excellence in Education. Against the backdrop of an ascendant Japanese economy and consistent with President Reagan’s disdain for public education （and teachers’ unions）, “A Nation at Risk” blamed America’s ineffectual schools for a “rising tide of mediocrity” that was diminishing America’s global role in a new high-tech world. Policymakers turned their focus to public education as a matter of national security, one too important （and potentially too profitable） to entrust to educators. The notion that top-down decisions by politicians, not teachers, should determine what children need was a thread running through