即将刊登於《中国语文》.pdf

即將刊登於《中國語文》 談「只」與「連」的形式語義 蔡維天 漢語中「只」與「連」一向都被認為是帶有焦點的結構。然而當我們用 Kiss (1998)和徐 烈炯(2002)提出的焦點判准來做測試的時候， 卻發現它們之間有不對稱的現象：「只」 字句能通過並列結構測試和否定結構測試；而「連」字句則否。本文擬以 Horn (1969) 對英語中 only 和 even 的語義分析為出發點，來解決這個不對稱的問題。就「只」字句 而言，其預設(presupposition) 為基本命題；其斷言(assertion)則為其基本命題之否定，並 以焦點片語之補集為其範域(scope) 。相較之下，「連」字句的斷言才是基本命題；其預 設則含有焦點片語之補集。這個差異正是不對稱現象的來源。本文的研究不只解決了 「連」字句屬對比焦點還是話題焦點的爭議，也對強勢量化詞(strong quantifiers)和疑問 副詞在「只」字句中的孤島效應(island effects)提出了合理解釋。這樣看來，語用的研究 確實需要和句法、語義結合起來，相互發明；來自語義、語用方面的材料不只讓一個形 式分析更具有深度，也使我們對語言事實的觀察更為周全。 關鍵詞：焦點、「只」字句、「連」字句、漢語語法、形式語義學、形式句法學 On the Formal Semantics of Only and Even in Chinese Wei-Tien Dylan Tsai In Chinese, zhi- and lian-constructions are often taken to involve foci. Nonetheless, an asymmetry is revealed when we test them with two criteria of contrastive focus (cf. Kiss 1998 and Xu 2001): the former passes both the coordination and negation tests, but the latter does not. We propose to solve this asymmetry by adopting Horn’s ( 1969) analysis of only and even: The presupposition of a zhi-construction contains its basic proposition, while its assertion involves negation over the complementary set of the focused expression. By contrast, its basic proposition forms the assertion of lian, whereas its presupposition involves existential quantification over the complementary set of the focused expression. This difference eventually leads to the asymmetry in question. Our study not only solves the issue whether lian involves a contrastive focus or a topic focus, but also provides a feasible account of island effects associated with zhi in the presence of strong quantifiers and wh-adverbs. All these point to the conclusion that we need to combine pragmatics with syntax and semantics,