翻译关于西方‘女权没落传统复兴’现象的评论和实质.docxVIP

评论者1：I’m not sure any of these factors is all that important; I suspect the rise of feminism reflects the rise of a certain demographic that was heavily invested in the movement.Feminism’s peak coincides with the peak of women in the labor force, which occurred in the late 90s. It was an empowering ideology for women born between, say, 1945 and 1964, who wanted in on the great economic expansion that lasted until about 2000.我不敢肯定这些因素是否都是至关重要，但我怀疑‘女权主义’的兴起反应的是这些特定支持者所占据的大量人口比重不断增加的效果，以至于这些人彻底助长和推进了这一运动。产生惊人巧合的是，‘女权主义’发展的高峰正好是女人进入整个劳动力市场的数量的高峰，这在90年代后期就已经显现。这是一种强加于那些出生在1945年至1964年之间‘女人’的意识形态，并随着经济规模的不断扩大和膨胀而使得这一意识形态得到强化，一直持续到2000年为止才有所回落。Today, for younger women, it has limited utility. Younger women are, in general, poorer than their mothers. They are having a harder time obtaining support from men, let alonejobs. Feminism has little if anything to offer them, and may even be a net negative.而到了今天，对于当今的年轻女人来说，这一‘意识形态’的利用价值已经极其有限。如今的年轻女人，总体上来说，她们的生活比她们的母亲更加贫穷困苦。她们现在几乎连从男人手里获得生活帮助的机会都非常困难，更别提什么获得工作的帮助。‘女权主义’一旦让这些女人获得的利益越少，那么女权主义就会愈加成为一种令女人觉得是一种‘消极’和‘抵触反感’的‘意识形态理念’。I have long thought that people’s political opinions are driven primarily by selfishness. In Seattle, for example, people overwhelmingly vote Democrat, and I’m pretty surethey do so because Seattle is largely a publicly employed city. In other words, it’s a college town, with the University of Washington being the largest employer by a longshot.Back in the early 80s, when the private sector was still fairly robust in Seattle, the vote was divided much more evenly between Democrats and Republicans.很长时间我一直认为人们的政治观念根本上起源于人们的‘自我利益最大化’。举个例子，在西雅图，人们一边倒的会投票并支持‘民主党’，同时我非常肯定为什么他们会这样做，那是因为整个西雅图就是一个公共就业率最高的城市。换句话说，整个城市就是一个‘校园’城市。因为‘华盛顿大学’就是该城市最大的‘雇主’，也是‘政治选票’上对于‘民主党’最大的‘投资’者。而回顾到80年代，当时这个城市的‘私营企业’还具有相当规模，同时反应出‘左右共和民主两党势力的‘政治竞选’投票角逐基本都是对半开。As conditions change, people adjust their ideology so that it better reflects their personal interests. Women under the age of 40 or so are no longer feminism’s winners, butare starting