The Emergence of the Marked Root-Domain Markedness in Lakhota.pdfVIP

The Emergence of the Marked Root-Domain Markedness in Lakhota.pdf

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The Emergence of the Marked Root-Domain Markedness in Lakhota

LSA–Boston Adam Albright Jan. 10, 2004 albright@ The Emergence of theMarked: Root-DomainMarkedness in Lakhota 1 Introduction (1) The basic observation: marked structures are distributed unevenly throughout language, with “strong” or “privileged” positions frequently allowing a greater range of structures ? Positional neutralization (Trubetzkoy 1939 (1962); Steriade 1994; Jun 1995; Padgett 1995; Steriade 1997; Casali 1997; Beckman 1998; Lombardi 1999; Zhang 2002; Barnes 2002; Alderete 2003; Steriade, in press; and many others) Onsets Stressed syls Roots Root-initial syls ??????? tend to allow a wider range of structures than ??????? codas unstressed syls affixes or reduplicants root-final syls (2) The standard recipe for handling this asymmetry in OT: 1. Provide constraints that refer specifically to strong/privileged positions, such as:? Positional faithfulness (Casali 1997; Beckman 1998): IDENTRoot (constricted glottis) (pre- serve ejectives in roots), etc.? Positional markedness (Zoll 1998; Smith 2002) 2. High-ranked positional constraints determine the range of structures in strong positions /t’apa/ IDENTRoot (c.g.) *[+c.g.]? a. t’apa * b. tapa *! 3. The markedness constraint *[+c.g.] is outranked, but still present in the grammar; it can still play a role when IDENTRoot (c.g.) is not relevant (such as outside roots) E.g., hypothetical suffix /-t’a/: /pala-t’a/ IDENTRoot (c.g.) *[+c.g.] IDENT(c.g.) a. pala-t’a *!? b. pala-ta *? The emergence of the unmarked (TETU; McCarthy and Prince 1994)): lower rankedmarked- ness constraints get their way when special faithfulness constraints are inapplicable (3) Asymmetries in possible structures are a natural consequence of two assumptions OT: ? Universal constraint set contains constraints that are designed to license/preserve a greater range of contrasts in privileged positions (see esp. Smith 2003) ? Outranked constraints are nonetheless active in the grammar, waiting to have an effect with higher-ranked positional constr

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