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Institutional Change and Economic Growth
THE meteoric rise of the new economic history reflects the fact
that historians abhor a vacuum and sometimes it seems to reflect
an even baser instinct that any theory is better than no theory. Of
course, any explanation always uses theory; however, it was usually
implicit and frequently a bouillabaisse in which Marx, Veblen and
the German historical school floated around in as equally indigestible
lumps. But the combination of an internally consistent paradigm
based on a few simple assumptions and the mysteries of econometrics
simply overwhelmed the older historian, as much as anything else,
because he could not understand the rules of the game, much less
play it. But even while the new breed was destroying one traditional
explanation after another, the traditional historian even in retreat
kept muttering over and over, But you are destroying the existing
myths without replacing them. Soon there will be no explanation—
no economic history—just an immense heap of numbers. And
sometimes, plaintively from the left flank of the retreating historians,
there would come the cry, But institutions ARE important!
With that metaphoric mix behind me, let me become a little more
serious. The tools that the new economic historian inherited from the
economist were not intended to deal with long-run economic change
as twenty-five years of grouping by the economist concerned with
development should attest. The economist not only accepted tastes,
technology, and population as given, but also he accepted equally
the current basic ground rules within which both market and non-
market decisions were made. For that matter, the theory did not
recognize the possibility of making economic
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