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碳关税对中国出口:减排、威胁、或闹剧
We estimate CO2 implicitly exported via commodities relative to a region’s total emissions: We ?nd 15% for the industrialized, 12% for the developing region, and 24% for China.
相对于一个地区CO2总排放量我们估计CO2地通过大宗商品出口我们发现15%工业化, 12%是由发展中地区, 24%是由中国为。
(2) We analyze a Contraction and Convergence climate regime in a CGE model including international capital mobility and technology diffusion:
我们在一个包括国际资本流动和技术扩散CGE模型分析一个收缩和收敛气候制度When China does not participate in the regime and instead a carbon tariff is imposed on its exports, it will likely be worse off than when participating. This result does not hold for the developing region in general. Meanwhile, the effect on emissions appears small.
当中国不参,而是碳关税对其出口,它可能不如参与。这个结果并不发展中地区。与此同时, 排放影响1. Introduction 介绍
A drastic reduction in global CO2 emissions critically depends on the inclusion of the developing and emerging economies,especially of China.
全球二氧化碳排放量的大幅减少极度依赖于发展中国家和新兴经济体,尤其是中国。
If China stays reluctant to join a binding post-Kyoto regime, China’s emissions can possibly be reduced by imposing a carbon tariff, or carbon-content-based border measures, since the Chinese economy is carbon—as well as export-intensive.
如果中国不愿意加入一个绑定后京都协定, 征收碳关税中国的排放量可能降低,或基于碳内容的,因为中国经济是碳以及出口密集型的。
This idea aims at the reduction or avoidance of carbon leakage, this means an increase in emissions abroad due to an emissions reduction at home.
这个想法旨在减少或避免碳,这意味着在国外排放增加由于减排。
Such a carbon tariff could also be used as a threat in order to convince China to join a post-Kyoto climate regime.
这样碳关税也可以被用作说服中国加入后京都气候制度威胁Such policies have been controversially debated by politicians and economists, especially in the USA . However, Bhagwati and Mavroidis (2007) for example question the economic, juristic and political feasibility of carbon-content-based border tax adjustment (BTA)。
尤其是在美国这样的政策一直政客和经济学家辩论。然而,巴格瓦蒂和例如基于碳内容的边境税调整经济、法律和政治可行性Herein, the accordance with the WTO legislation is a critical aspect. And the economic effectiveness of such
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