Problem,ProgressProposalDomesticViolenceagainstWomen.pptVIP

Profile of Economic Empowerment of Women in China beyond land: * Women’s economic empowerment can prevent ADV to some extent Compared with those economically deprived women, women with off-farm job, entitled with a house, and with personal back account are a little better off. SOME OTHER THOUGHTS: Current momentum around women’s economic empowerment offers huge scope for bringing about real changes in women’s lives in China. But earning an income or having access to economic resources cannot be assumed to bring automatic benefits for women. How increased EE can be translated into changes in the life that women are able to make – at least at household level? (calls for more specific and accurate survey and research ) And what are the impacts of women’s greater access to resources on gender relations and social norms more broadly? Anti-domestic Violence poster in China: not let the DV destroy your family. Poster of anniversary of the day for elimination of violence against women : say no to DV, and cherish happy life. * * China government began to pay attention to VAW after the Beijing conference. * * * 那么这样一种严格限制土地调整的政策出台之后，农村女性的土地承包权就受到了严重的威胁，一些学者尤其是国外学者有多篇文献论述这个问题。 首先，对于出嫁的农村经女性而言，由于土地调整受到了严格限制，那她嫁到夫家之后，一方面，她在娘家的地不会被村集体收回，但她一般不能再去耕种了，一是地理上的不便，二是农村村规民约会阻挠出嫁女再从娘家获取济利益；而另一方面，在土地调整频率降低的情况下，她在夫家很长时间内将不能得到分地。所以事实上出嫁女就失去了土地承包权的可能在增大。 其次，对于离婚、丧偶的农村女性而言，如果她们之前在夫家分到了地，那么离婚后往往无法获得土地形式的财产，她们处于一种非常弱势的地位；而她们就算回到了娘家的村子里，也很难再能分到新的承包地了，所以离婚丧偶的女性也同样会经历失地这样的结果。 我们认为这两种情况可以归纳为“因婚嫁而失地”。 最后，对于未嫁女，如果是出生在1998年第二轮承包分配之后的，因为土地调整受限，所以她们基本上从一开始就分不到承包地了；而如果是在98年附近到达婚嫁年龄的，许多地方上的操作是在这一轮分配中，给她们分得的土地数量少于村里平均份额，甚至不分给土地，因为预测她们很快都会嫁出去。 那么我把这一种情况概括为“从未分到土地”。 这两者呢，又可以统一概括为“政策性失地”，因为都是由于严格限制土地调整的政策而引起的失地。 * * * * * “ ” “ ” Problem, Progress Proposal:Domestic Violence against Women in China  Song Yueping, Renmin University of China International workshop on Feminist Economics in China and India New Delhi, India, 11-12/11/2013 Domestic violence against wives in China In traditional Chinese fa